Retheorizing Fascist Ideology in the Modern Age. The Far Right Rise in America, a Neofacist Breeding Ground.
Alyssa Hockett, BA Strategy, Intelligence, and Security.
11610 words
Disclaimer: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are entirely my own and not representative of any organization I may be affiliated with. Topic discussed are of a controversial nature and intended to provoke thought, not serve as definitive information. Readers are encouraged to continue to conduct further research.
Pictured above is the scene from the Washington D.C. January 6th riots. Facilitated by far-right neofascist groups like Proud Boys and incited by Donald Trump in an insurrection attempt dubbed “Stop the Steal” after losing the 2020 election, serves as the gravest attack on democracy in recent American history. With “Biden” carved into the wood, the display of a noose is pushed towards Capitol Hill. (Shay Horse/Getty Images)
Acknowledgements
To those who denounce and resist modern fascism, in their nations, communities, and in themselves. To all the victims of fascist ideology.
Abstract
What happened to Fascism after the end of WWII and downfall of Mussolini’s regime? Where did Fascism ideology go when it was expelled from Europe, and how did it transform over the years following its presumed demise? Contrary to the arguments of many historians, Fascism did not die in 1945. Similarly, as numerous political theorists have attempted for the last century to construct a fixed definition, it seems the traditional understanding of Fascism frequently confines itself to the contextual restraints of the ideology’s past or is too reductionist to describe the evolution today. That is why I see an immense need to retheorize Fascist ideology in order to recognize how it manifests in the modern age. Through extensive comparative analysis of different scholarly works on Fascism and contemporary case studies, this essay will argue that fascism is still immensely present and influential within the far-right in the United States. Through rising phenomena like anti-intellectualism, political cults of personality, and parasocial relationships with politicians, fascism has transformed from a political ideology that individuals can separate themselves from, to becoming a pervasive and totalizing identity that bleeds into every aspect of their personal and social lives. Fueled by far-right politicians who prey on their subconscious fears and exploit overt grievances, these actors and phenomena accelerate the process of democratic decay in modern America, chipping away at the few barriers still in place that protect fascism from gaining power. The importance of these findings lies in what we must do with them, I encourage the reader to recognize fascism ideology today and be empowered to denounce it in themselves, community, and nation.
Outline of Blog Post
Introduction
Literature Review: Addressing Counter Arguments and Theoretical Debates
Chapter 1: Understanding Historical Context and the Century Long Search for a Definition
Chapter 1.1: The Facets of Traditional Fascism: Nationalism; Is it Possible to Characterize a Chameleon?
Chapter 1.2: The Facets of Traditional Fascism: Totalitarianism and Propaganda. The First Political Cult of Personality.
Chapter 2: No, Fascism did not Return, It Evolved. Fascism as a Modern Ideology.
Chapter 2.1: Evolved Characteristics: Trump’s Paradoxical Populism and Formation of a White Supremacist National Identity.
Chapter 2.1.2: Evolved Characteristics: Anti-Intellectualism in The Cult of Trump and the Dangers of Political Parasocial Relationships.
Chapter 2.2: Evolved Ideology: The Myths and Motivations of Modern Fascists.
Chapter 2.3: Brief Summarization and Retheorization.
Chapter 3: How American Far-Right Actors Utilize Evolved Fascist Characteristics.
Chapter 3.1: Democratic Decay in Far-Right Politicians and Policies: Censorship in Desantis’ Florida Education System.
Chapter 3.1: Far-Right Civilian Groups and the 2021 Capitol Riots: An Attempt at Insurrection? Trump’s True Coup: The Supreme Court.
Chapter 4: Consequences and Conclusion: What can we Learn About Fascism From These Findings?
Introduction
There are few words that yield such accusation and hesitation from the international community as fascism does. In the darkness looming from WWII, discussing Fascism has become more controversial now than during the supposed death of the ideology in 1945. As such, there are very few groups still in the world today that would openly identify as fascist, yet that doesn’t mean that its significance has diminished or it’s presence disappeared. As it is traditionally understood, Fascism was the political ideology that rose to power during WWII, characterized as being totalitarian, nationalist, and militaristic, ruled by an idolized leader. However, it is not these traits alone that make the fascist ideology, and any attempt to apply this traditional understanding to the far right today would be too reductionist and simplistic.
Additionally, many argue that the Fascist ideology seen in Mussolini’s Italy or Hitler’s Germany cannot be replicated today due to the democratic systems put in place to prevent the consolation of power. Despite this, in many states and circumstances, we can see the ideology growing in popularity and authority. It is for these reasons that I see an immense need to re theorize fascism in order to understand how it manifests in the modern age and to ensure those totalitarian regimes of the past can never resurface. Furthermore, it is specifically a retheorization of Fascism that is necessary to understand these contemporary political phenomena because it’s manifesting in a way not comparable to historical theories of the past. For the understanding of this essay, we will use a capitalized ‘Fascism’ to describe the traditional, contextual understanding from history, while using a lower case ‘fascism’ to describe what I see as the ideological phenomenon today.
I aim to argue firstly that fascism as it manifests today is no different characteristically from the Fascism of the past, instead, it is simply a modern transformation of the ideology with new tactics and victims. Secondly, that all fascism imitates like a chameleon, it takes characteristics from its predecessor and manipulates its environment to fit the ideology into the context of their own individual political climate, making it difficult to define over time. The fascism of today learned from the Fascism of the past, so despite the updated tactics used to target aggrieved masses, the underlying motivations and myths it utilizes to justify its violent characteristics are the same. Thirdly, fascism is a reactionary ideology, one that prevails by political leaders targeting both the subconscious fears and overt grievances of their supporters and while promoting anti-intellectualism, offer a restoration of the past as the simple solution to complex, contemporary issues. Lastly, that both Fascism of the past, as well as the wider ideology today, relies on those who are psychologically and politically vulnerable, as it uses tactics such the formation of a cult of personality and creating a political parasocial relationship between the supporters and the idolized leader of such regimes.
After re-theorizing fascism with an analysis of these arguments, I will then apply this new theory to the rise of the far right in the United States, who, especially since 2016, has created a fertile political landscape for such a modern, evolved fascist ideology to grow in power. This will be done through a comparative analysis of the evolved characteristics and myths and motivations of fascist ideology today. As well as looking at different far right actors, politicians such as former US President Donald Trump and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, and far right civilian groups like Proud Boys, to identify fascist policy and practices in the modern age and how it contributes to a process called democratic decay. Of course, these individuals have and will certainly never claim to be fascist, however as we will analyze, the Fascist ideology is instead engrained deep within them and shines through in their actions, policies, and rhetoric. Finally, I will conclude with a brief chapter on what we can learn about modern fascism given these findings.
This essay will look at the research through an analytical strategist lens, acting as an academic warning of what is possible to emerge if existing trends continue and the criteria identified later in this essay are met. As I touch on the consequences of the far-right rise in America, themes of mass shootings, hate crimes, insurrection, and other sensitive topics will be discussed. This is a topic area of deep importance to me, being an American expatriate born just 3 months after 9/11 and raised in the far-right Midwest, my life has been anything but apolitical. As such, I have seen firsthand far-right and neofascist ideology plague my community and personal life and am concerned about the totalizing effect it has on one’s identity. I am particularly interested in the tactics the far-right is using to spread fascist ideology and the myths and motivations that make this modern phenomenon so popular. My goal for this essay is to inform the reader with the tools needed to identify fascist ideology as it manifests today, and to feel empowered to resist and protest its influence in their own community, nation, and self.
Literature Review
There is heavily contested literature on the topic of modern American fascism, and many counter arguments will need to be addressed before delving into the research and my findings. Firstly, it seems that historians and strategists are at odds on the debate. On one side, many historians and Marxists of the past would oppose the idea that Fascism as contextually understood from WWII could still be prevalent today; arguing that it is a strictly temporal ideology only able to arise in WWII due to the political and economic climate of Europe after WWI. However, as the scholar Mark Neocleous states, “Fascism is first and foremost an ideology generated by modern industrial capitalism.” In this case, America is still a capitalistic society, both in the government and as a society. In addition, many historians will claim that to call someone a fascist in modern politics is to downplay its significance, or that the words “Fascist” and “Nazi” have lost their meaning today due to the lack of totalitarian or dictatorial regimes. I will not disagree that there has been an increasing misuse of the terms, if one is approaching the debate from a strictly historical or contextual perspective. Certainly, and ideally, there should never be another regime as overtly totalitarian and violent like Mussolini’s and Hitler’s, as there have been democratic institutions and policies created to prevent such regimes from resurfacing. The increasingly globalized and democratic international community, with institutions such as the UN and ICJ, was created specifically after WWII to foster international peace and democracy. However, this argument does not credit fascism as the pervasive ideology that it is that targets and influences the masses. Fascism was, and still is, more than the regimes that claim it and more than the political actions and traits that define it. It is instead a timeless phenomenon that can camouflage its presence into any society and government making it much harder to define, like the chameleon theory of nationalism by Anthony Smith, which will be discussed more in chapter 1.1.
Most of the American fascism debate surrounds this question, first poised by American author Sinclair Lewis in 1936: Fascism, can it happen here? For Sinclair, ‘here’ meant in the United States, the proclaimed “Land of the Free,” but for all those answering this question in the twenty first century, ‘here’ is defined by the modern age of advanced technology and democratic rules of law. The answer is yes, it can happen here, both on the smaller scale of individuals who become radicalized within their communities, and on the larger scale of world leaders mobilizing psychologically vulnerable groups for personal gains, as Mussolini once did with the aggrieved Italians during the rise of socialism, and as Hitler did with the defeated Germans after the Treaty of Versailles.
The more prominent counterargument today, however, does not concern itself with historical and contextual restraints of Fascism. Instead, more modern political theorists will argue that Fascism cannot logistically occur in America today due to the deconsolidation of power throughout the many branches of government. Tyler Cowen, an economics professor and political author takes this approach in his 2018 article titled, “No, Fascism Can’t Happen Here,” a nod to Sinclair’s work 82 years later. He states, “My argument is pretty simple: American Fascism cannot happen anymore because the American government is so large and unwieldy. It is simply too hard for the Fascists, or for that matter other radical groups, to seize control of.” There is certainly merit to this argument, the US government and Constitution were carefully curated to prevent tyranny. Checks and balances and the second amendment are two major policies that come to mind, with the ladder being ferociously defended by those on the far-right. I would like to add another perspective to this argument, that in addition to the three federal branches of government, each state has their own legislature, courts, and police force. This leads to drastically different policies across the nation. For example, California is considered a sanctuary state for undocumented immigrants, while just two states away, Texas has seen some of the nation’s strictest immigration policies and been accused of holding migrants in dangerous and unsanitary detention camps, ones that would certainly be illegal in California and more liberal states. So, while the deconsolidation of power in the federal government may provide some barrier to Fascism rising on a national scale, the unorganized structure of power on the smaller level of state rights leads to some concerning, and chaotic, results. One state may be much closer to practicing Fascism than another. This will be looked at further in chapter 3.1 with Ron DeSantis’s policies in Florida.
Additionally, this argument places too much emphasis on Fascism as a regime, and not enough on fascism as a philosophy and ideology that can affect the masses. This argument also only works when democracy is protected, as soon as democracy is threatened, so is our institutions and policies created to resist Fascism from resurfacing. Paul Mason, a contemporary political writer who wrote the popular book, “How to Stop Fascism,” would agree, as he warns “democratic decay (a process he’s identified as having begun in 2010) has both weakened our defenses against full-blown Fascism and opened up a space for fascists to operate in.” These spaces he is referring to is the newly public-private hybrid spheres of the internet today. Far-right online forums and mass texting groups where political and extremist leaders can message hundreds of followers in seconds result in a radicalization process unlike we have ever seen in the past, one that has the power to easily mobilize such groups. In addition to Mason’s argument, I will add that what many people forget about fascism is its perversion into the lives and minds of ordinary people. It was not a small group of elites alone who produced the Holocaust, but the hundreds of thousands of individuals who enlisted, financed, and politically and socially supported the Nazis and National Fascist Party from the homeland and abroad. These online spaces that the far-right operate in will be analyzed throughout the essay, but they deserve much more attention than they’ve been given in the modern age. Perhaps because the internet is a recent technological advancement, and my generation is the first to grow up entirely with it. The spaces for propaganda, censorship, and radicalization for Mussolini and Hitler were confined to social spaces, newspapers, and radio. In the modern age, it is instead the internet, that is too large and unwieldy, for the wider government to control the spread of fascism from those who choose to be a part of it.
The last counterargument I will analyze comes from Eliah Bures, a historian and author focused on the study of fascism and American far-right, who wrote an article in 2019 titled “Don’t Call Donald Trump a Fascist.” I found his article intriguing as he deconstructs arguments from two American scholars in the modern fascism debate: political scientist Robert Paxton in “The Anatomy of Fascism,” and former US Secretary of State Madeline Albright in “Fascism: A Warning.” Both Paxton and Albright recognize the pervasive nature of fascism as a social and political ideology, as well as the defining characteristics of violence and anti-democratic motivations. While Albright focuses mainly on Trump’s relatability to the Fascist leaders of the past, Paxton looks at fascist ideology more broadly, emphasizing its presence and growing popularity across the globe. Burles argues against both of them stating that, “real Fascism is revolutionary and dictatorial, practicing a purifying brutality in furtherance of utopian goals.” At the time of writing in 2019, Burles would have been unaware of the events to come arising from Trump’s 2020 MAGA campaign and the actions of his far-right supporters, who in 2021 attempted to overthrow the US Capitol in his defense after he lost the presidency. As such, I reached out to him for an update on his stance. His (shortened) response is as follows; “You asked whether I've reevaluated my position on Trump and fascism in light of January 6. Mostly I haven't. I think an analytically useful definition of fascism is one that focuses on redemptive violence and revolutionary ambitions. For the most part, I don't think Trump or MAGA Republicans harbor either. BUT—and it's a big but—reactionary, illiberal authoritarians have sometimes made common cause with more radical elements.” He goes on to concede that he is more comfortable in labeling the Proud Boys (whom I will discuss more in chapter 3.2.) and other far-right groups as fascist, but not Trump himself. However, he related Trump to Spanish Fascist Fransisco Franco, who utilized bona fide fascists for his cause, but claims that Trump’s appeal is not one of a revolutionary agenda but instead capitalizes on the “anti-woke” trend and traditionalist nostalgia. This war on “wokeness” will also be further discussed in chapter 3.1 on Ron DeSantis. Mostly I agree, fascist ideology is reactionary, radical, and utopian, but instead I will argue that Trump indeed harbors and promotes those traits, as evidenced by his response to the insurrection attempt committed in his name.
While understanding the theoretical and literary debate of Fascism is important, this essay will attempt to retheorize it as a modern ideology and phenomenon with the considerations made above. Theories from the 20th century are too dated in the modern age of democracy and technology, and theories from today must look beyond the obvious comparisons and generalizations of Fascism to something deeper, which seems to be engrained in the minds of modern fascists.
Chapter 1: Historical Context - Understanding Traditional Fascism and the Century Long Search for a Definition.
The study of Fascism since WWII has seen numerous scholars and experts attempt to dissect and define it. Social psychologists will argue that Fascism was a phenomenon of mass psychosis while Marxists will say it rose congruently and in response to the rise of capitalism. The important commonality is that both explanations reflect fascism as being a totalizing process on identity, the ideology becomes one with the Fascist’s identity to where they become proud to be so devoted to such a cause that they stop questioning it, and instead promote it in their own communities. However, where these theories fall short is that they do not explain how individuals today still relate to the grievances of the past that allowed Fascism to emerge. In modern political theory, fascism today is generally seen in one of three ways:
1. As a political action or policy: such as the tactics of Mussolini and Hitler; utilizing nationalism to unify and incite supporters, spreading propaganda about those deemed “outsiders”, nation-building for the interests of the regime, and creating an idolized, unquestionable leader.
2. As a group or regime: such as the German Nazis or Partito Nazionale Fascista (National Fascist Party of Italy), characterized as being totalitarian and violent with members being aggrieved nationals.
3. As an ideology: built on myths and motivations of fear, reactionary with the goal of returning the nation to a time of perceived prosperity.
Certainly, there are policies that are passed today that may echo those of the Fascist regimes of the past, as well as self-identifying fascist groups operating within the US, concluding that Fascism has indubitably persisted as an ideology. Yet to understand fascism today in a way that we can prevent a resurgence of Fascism from the past, it requires a deeper analysis, one of evolution. One that must be retheorized to fit the political parties and grievances of the world today. In retheorizing fascism, it is important not to fall victim to the same mindset of othering that such Fascist practiced. While it is important to make clear distinctions between different
ideologies and parties, demonizing them ultimately dehumanizes them. The result is those individuals accepting the stereotypes already placed upon them, and possibly embracing them. It is important to remember, no matter how harmful the ideology, it is still coming from another human capable of change. As such, I wish to understand what makes someone a fascist, what are the grievances one must face and the propaganda one must endure, to turn to an ideology of hatred and fear? In my attempt to retheorize fascism in the modern age, I must first look at the traditional facets of Fascism including nationalism, totalitarianism, and propaganda.
1.1: The Facets of Traditional Fascism - Nationalism; Is it Possible to Characterize a Chameleon?
Another important precaution one must take when theorizing fascism is to not to simply recreate a comprehensive list of traits, fascism is unique in its ability to camouflage itself to any ideology or political party. It is better thought of as a chameleon ideology, as the scholar Anthony Smith once coined to describe the rise in nationalism, the first facet of Fascism.10 This would explain the heavy contestation in both nationalism and fascism studies and why the search for perennial definitions may prove impossible. As Smith argues, “depending on historical contexts, present realities and future visions, the ‘national chameleon’ changes its ‘colours’ and ‘tinges’, thus evading a common definition, generalisable indicators and measurable results.” Fascism acts in a similar manner, which is why it is seen on both extremes of the political spectrum. Similar as in nationalism studies, far left fascists generally concern themselves with the threat of economic elite and oppressive capitalism from within the nation; whereas far right fascists see the threat more externally, coming from migrants and the international community. Arthur Rosenberg, a German Marxist political theorist who wrote the book, “Fascism as a Mass Movement” (1934) argued that Fascism lacked ideology on its own and relied on nationalism to legitimize itself. In a modern translation of his work, it states that Rosenberg described Fascism as a “demagogic nationalism that spontaneously seeks an object through which it can daily demonstrate its own superiority and release the delirium of its racial frenzy.” In WWII, nationalism was utilized as a tool to uproot deep emotions of shame and fear in both Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy. It began with Nazi’s claiming to be the “Aryan race,” and using such claim as a basis of who does and does not belong in their society. The difference between pure, peaceful nationalist sentiment and what was seen in WWII is the idea of supremacy. This claim of the nation and criminalization of such marginalized groups was used as justification for violence towards them. In Germany it was used in attempts to justify Nazi violence towards the Jewish, Gypsies, and black people, and in Italy it was used in attempts to justify Mussolini’s Blackshirts violence towards socialists. It was propagated that these groups were threats to national identity and thus needed to be eradicated. One of the threats being that the white race would eventually die out if other races continued to integrate into Western countries like Germany and Italy. Mussolini also propagated this idea, as illustrated by Waxman, “there was this idea that Hitler was anti-Semitic and Mussolini wasn’t, but it’s about a larger concept of race. Mussolini was an imperialist, so he used colonialism to [abuse] people of color. The fear of white decline was a huge part of it. Women were supposed to go have a lot of babies to increase the white race. A lot of old-fashioned explanations of fascism don’t talk about that.” Mussolini wasn’t just trying to protect the white race, but he wanted to expand it to further the militarization of Italy. In what was called the Battle for Births in 1927, Mussolini wanted to expand the Italian population from 40 million to 60 million in just 23 years. The goal was to expand his military and regime for more power.
Babies in a basket. Photo by Harris & Ewing, May 1923. Library of Congress.
This was a feat he put entirely on shoulders of women, in what resulted in conservative policies such as outlawing same sex marriages and banning abortion. Additionally, he spoke of this idea frequently to the men of the society, promoting sexist sentiments that reproduction is all a woman is made for. When he spoke to the women, he reinforced this idea that it was their duty to provide the nation with children, saying “It’s up to you to create a generation of soldiers and pioneers for the defense of the empire.” He would also create federal policies and protections that encouraged this, such as tax exemptions and national medals for families who have lots of children. This was all part of Mussolini’s wider nation-building strategy, a contested concept in nationalism studies. The idea that Western nations must protect the white race has persisted into the fascist ideology today, in what has been coined as White Replacement Theory (WRT). In recent years WRT has been the source of many hate crimes and mass shootings in the United States and will be analyzed further in chapter 2.2.
1.2: The Facets of Traditional Fascism - Totalitarianism and Propaganda. The First Political Cult of Personality.
The second facet of traditional Fascism is totalitarianism. One of the biggest questions that arose after WWII was simply, how? How did Hitler rise to power? How did nobody stop Mussolini at the early warning signs? How did so many individuals identify with such notorious figures that we give no merit to today? Firstly, let us look at the supporters of far-right totalitarian regimes. In both Germany and Italy, these regimes preyed on the frustrated and aggrieved common man. The majority of totalitarian regimes are supported by individuals from the working and middle class that are, “seeking to maintain the economic and social status quo.” The important distinction, however, from such supporters of far-right totalitarian regimes and the far-left who oppose them, is that Nazi and Fascist supporters saw the problem as an external one. It was not something that could be mediated with democracy or diplomacy, but that required a violent and unified response from the nation as an entity itself. The response was the erosion of democracy. In Italy, Mussolini established the first one party system and banned opposition parties from running and participating in the government. He believed that the only way to unify the nation was to silence all challenging opinions and act so forcefully that it scares any opponent into silence and submission. Despite this, individuals supporting the totalitarian regimes did not mind the total control the regime had over their lives as they believed it was the only way they would be protected from the outsiders who wished to harm them and their nation. Fascism has frequently been theorized as a reactionary ideology, and relying on a deep sense of nostalgia, many nationalists would believe in
Mussolini's totalitarian tactics in an ignorant attempt to restore their nation to a time of perceived prosperity. This is partially due to the propaganda created and circulated by the regimes themselves and echoed by the masses. Although, largely this tolerance and submission by his supporters was consensual, as they felt a sense of connection and relationship to their leader. This is the danger of political parasocial relationships that is often left out of many Fascism literature despite being much more prevalent with the internet and social media today. Mussolini, in addition to being a nationalist, was a populist. Growing up in a working-class family, he would frequently utilize his upbringing to claim himself to be a man of the people, creating his own newspaper in his early years titled “La Lotte Di Classe,” (The Class Struggle). This was arguably crucial to his rise to power, painting himself as an underdog with the intelligence and charisma to stand up to the corrupt elite who had gotten Italy in the economic distress felt by the working class.
This brings us to the second aspect of totalitarian regimes that must be understood to understand traditional Fascism, which is the cult of personality of its leader. Cult of personality is a psychological concept that describes how cults gain followers and maintain power by creating an idolized and unquestionable leader. In Fascist Italy, Mussolini was referred to as “La Duce,” or “The Leader,” and the idolization of him slipped deep into every crack and corner of Italian life. It began in the classrooms, with the indoctrination of young schoolchildren. In ddition to spreading political propaganda, the schoolchildren were groomed into the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB), a Fascist youth group that prepared them for military service just after education. Beginning for some at age 4 and lasting until adulthood when they were then encouraged to join the Fascist Party, the children were subjected to misinformation, brainwashing, physical tests, and militarized summer camps in which they were given pre military training. The ONB reached 7 million children in membership by 1937.23
This was no doubt part of Mussolini’s nation-building strategy, as mentioned in the last chapter. His plan was actually quite simple: make it so that national, Italian, white women are encouraged to reproduce, and stigmatize those who choose not to, in order to increase the number of births under his regime and militarize these children from a young age to later join his party. Mussolini acted as if he would be La Duce forever, because like the leaders of cults, in totalitarian regimes, there is never an end goal or ending in sight. He wanted to increase the number of memberships in the National Fascist Party because he assumed he would always be in that position of power. If one is wondering why so many children would be drawn to such an organization, it would be due to the proliferation of fascist idolization in Italian society and schools. The mobilization within Fascist regimes came to fruition with the tool of propaganda: our last facet of traditional Fascism. In addition to early indoctrination of schoolchildren into military service and social submission, propaganda could be found in every direction. Mussolini wanted to make sure that nobody, regardless of age or occupation, could escape the death grip of his Fascist regime and ideology. “In infant schools, children started the day with a prayer that began, ‘I believe in the genius of Mussolini’. In primary schools, children were taught that Mussolini and the fascists had ‘saved’ Italy from communist revolution. In 1929, it became compulsory for all teachers in state schools to swear an oath of loyalty to both the king and to Mussolini’s fascist regime.”
School children pose for a photo. Behind them are graffiti tags saluting Mussolini as the "Duce" (leader) of Italy. Marano, Italy. 1930.
The compulsory daily worship of Mussolini and his regime meant not only that civilians could never ignore its grasp on society, but that many had to participate in its operation to save their livelihoods. Newspapers of the time even had to capitalize “He,” and “Him,” when writing about La Duce, as they do when writing about a religious God like Jesus Christ. His constant conflation with himself with being La Duce, or a God, was intentional. The threat of retaliation for not addressing him as such left many Italians in limbo, even if they did not agree or support Mussolini, the alternative could mean violence against them, the loss of their career, or having to live in a constant state of fear from his supporters. This retaliation is a hallmark of traditional Fascism that really manifests in totalitarian regimes and explains why many would choose to remain silent and complicit in such a dark period of history.
To summarize, Mussolini was never going to be content with the total control over his regime and government, because all totalitarian regimes, similar to the Fascists, will never be content, they consistently look for any space they can operate in and use to control the masses. Fascism is an ideology consumed with gaining and maintaining power at any cost, because it’s fueled by fear. When Mussolini realized he had succeeded in creating his one-party system, he extended his grip onto the women and children; the reproduction of the nation and the education that informs it. He was able to do this by creating a cult of personality and using nationalist and populist sentiment to establish a political parasocial relationship with his supporters that enabled them to trust him as an intelligent source of information. He used this power to implement extremely illiberal and undemocratic policies. These tactics have not disappeared, even after Mussolini’s regime, but where did they go and what did they evolve into? This question leads me to my next chapter, and the modern age, where fascism is still very much alive, just camouflaging and presenting itself in different ways.
Chapter 2: No, Fascism did not Return, It Evolved. Fascism as a Modern Ideology.
In the modern age of globalization and technology, fascism today appears in a much different way than shown through the regimes of the past. Those groups that used to meet in tiny, cramped taverns are now able to reach each other across the globe from the comfort of their homes through the invention of the internet and proliferation of social media. Instead of Fascism being controlled solely by its leaders through press manipulation, propaganda, and censorship, it has now evolved into an ideology that all its supporters can participate in forming. Through far-right online forums that act as misinformation factories and echo chambers, any individual can publish unverified claims without repercussions. Additionally, far right leaders utilize social media to incite and mobilize their supporters. Such leaders like Trump use populist rhetoric to gain supporters, while promoting anti-intellectualism to discredit any opposition including news media. What results is a cult like following, further stimulated by feelings of parasocial relationships with Trump and his loyal following.
2.1: Evolved Characteristics - Trump’s Paradoxical Populism and Formation of a White Supremacist National Identity.
Similar to Mussolini, Trump is a self-identified nationalist. However, where Mussolini was a genuine populist, having at one time truly been a “common man,” Trump has never experienced the grievances he claims to represent. Trump has perpetuated this rags-to-riches story where his father gave him a “small loan of a million dollars,” to start his real estate business, however Trump was already a millionaire by the age of 8 due to his father’s wealth and inheritance. Despite this blatant contradiction, his populist claims caught the attention of many working-class individuals in the United States, specifically in the Rust Belt, where post industrial states have seen the damaging effects of offshoring jobs. Trump had recognized this overt grievance and capitalized from it, claiming in his 2016 election that he would return offshored manufacturing jobs back to Midwestern Americans and that not another plant would be shut down during his presidency. This led to what has been coined the Rust Belt Revolt, where Midwesterners showed up to the polls at record levels and voted for Trump, trusting in these promises.
Map of the industrial Rust Belt, United States.
However, it would later be proven that these were just a few of his many failed campaign promises, as an additional 47 plants would be shut down during his administration and offshored jobs did not return to the Midwest. Additionally, during his campaigned he promised tax cuts for working class Americans, yet in 2017 when he signed on the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, it instead favored big corporations and upper income families. His administration claimed it would “trickle down” to the working class and result in an additional $4,000 annual raise per working adult. In what was supposed to increase business investments and stimulate the economy, only benefited the economic elite. Corporate tax revenue would decrease from $668 billion in 2018/2019 to $435 billion the following year, resulting in $233 billion in tax cuts for corporations who, instead of increasing wages, put that money into stocks, buybacks, and increasing their own assets. Therefore, Trump is what I would define as a paradoxical populist, claiming to oppose the elite while disguising the fact that he is one himself. Utilizing the anger and grievances of actual working-class Americans to get elected and then abandoning them when in office. Populism in this way is similar to the chameleon nationalist theory, Trump was able to identify the issues aggrieving the masses and he offered unachievable, utopian promises as the solution. However, he did not correctly label the root of such issues and therefore did not solve them.
This was to be expected. Far-right populists typically discard the threat of economic elitism and instead propagate the idea that the threat is external, coming from cultural ‘elites’ such as immigrants. This is exactly what Trump did. Campaigning on his infamous slogans “Make America Great Again,” and “Build the Wall,” Trump frequently pointed to immigration as the source of America’s problems, including the economic distress felt by the Midwest. Specifically, he pointed to Mexican immigrants at the Southern border as the biggest threat to the economy and nation. One of his most notorious remarks was made during his 2016 campaign in which he stated, “when Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best...They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” Similar to the nationalist sentiment of Nazis claiming to be the “pure” Aryan race and any outsiders being threats, Trump made it clear early on who would be included in part of his nation and who would not. Those that do not resemble his vision of the white national identity were portrayed as criminals, rapists, and drug dealers, despite many of them being refugees or asylum seekers from war-torn countries.
Trump speaking at an El Paso, Texas rally, with signs labeled “Build the Wall,” and “Finish the Wall,” held by supporters in the background. El Paso specifically will be discussed more later in chapter 2.2. Photo: Joe Raedle, Getty Images, AFP
Additionally, Trump has frequently referred to immigrants as vermin and as poisoning the blood of our country, and when asked during a very recent interview on April 11th, 2024, why he uses such rhetoric when dictators such as Hitler and Mussolini used the same terminology, his doubled-downed reply was, “Well, that's what they say. I didn't know that, but that's what they say. Because our country is being poisoned.” This rhetoric has led to devastating consequences, coupled with the myth of the Great Replacement Theory, there have been multiple mass shootings in the name of preserving the white race (or national identity/blood), which will be identified more in chapter 2.2. In addition to perpetuating stereotypes and inciting violence against asylum seekers, Trump also discredits and insults any opposition to his claims. This brings us to the second characteristic evolution of modern fascism, which is anti intellectualism.
2.1.2: Evolved Characteristics - Anti-Intellectualism in The Cult of Trump and the Dangers of Political Parasocial Relationships.
Trump joins few others in this new wave of anti-intellectual politicians from the 21st century, who denounce experts and discredit news media. However, this phenomenon is not new in the United States. In 1964, Historian Richard Hofstadter wrote the Pulitzer Prize winning book, “Anti-Intellectualism in American Life,” in which he highlighted examples of anti intellectualism in the political sphere including the over-simplification of political issues and fostering a sense of distrust with experts. Hofstadter would also warn about the reliance on catchy slogans (MAGA, “Build the Wall”) over facts and reason. Trump portrayed both the economic crisis and rise in immigration as national issues that could be solved very simply, with a wall and tax cuts. Playing on his supporters frustration, he would frequently state that he was the only man who could fix the problems in America. Many experts would criticize Trump for this oversimplification and his response was to discredit them. By delegitimizing experts, Trump was able to convince the masses that his quick fix solution was the most effective, and that anyone who opposed him was either lying or uncredible. During his 2016 campaign, Trump exclaimed to his rally, “The experts are terrible...Look at the mess we’re in with all these experts that we have.” He would continue to call any news source that opposed his view as “fake news,” creating a sort of online comedic meme culture around the term that Hofstadter warned about. Specially, CNN and other left-wing news stations were categorized as “fake news” as they frequently questioned Trump’s claims on immigration, bringing on actual experts with years of scholarly and research experience. These attempts would fall on the deaf ears of far-right Trump supporters who has already been radicalized by his extreme rhetoric. After being banned from Twitter for spreading misinformation, Trump created his own social media app dubbed, “Truth Social,” for his followers to have easy access to his completely unfiltered and unverified posts. In addition to having to pay a subscription to post and read comments, a barrier already censoring the democratic freedom of speech for low-income individuals on his app, Trump posts on his page like a madman who has gone manic. It’s important to note, Trump is currently facing 88 criminal charges for four different cases against him, which will be further analyzed in chapter 3.2, most importantly he’s facing indictments that no other president has been accused of in the nation’s history. At the time of writing this, April 16th, 2024, in the last 24 hours Trump has posted 54 times on his Truth Social account, calling his pending criminal trials a “Witch Hunt,” stating “MY TRIAL IS AN ASSAULT ON AMERICA!” and urging his followings to join his text thread where they can receive direct notifications from him.
This is another example of how Trump created this sort of cult-like following, fueled by the parasocial relationships that his followers feel from this constant and direct communication with him. What results is a political group who blindly follows their leader despite being found guilty of committing federal crimes (pending appeals) and instead accepts what he says as fact without researching for evidence or consulting any knowledgeable expert on the issue. In a recent poll conducted by CBS and YouGov, it was found Trump supporters trusted him more than any other influential figure in their lives, “among those who plan to vote for Trump, 71% feel that what he tells them is true — higher than the results for friends and family (63%), conservative media figures (56%) or religious leaders (42%).” While Trump has not created an overtly totalizing worshipping like that of Mussolini, nor does he refer to himself as a God, he certainly has placed himself above everyone else in society within the eyes of his supporters. These Fascist manipulation tactics such as dividing and conquering the public through the construction of a “pure” national identity, encouraging anti-intellectualism through the rejection of expertise, and creating an idolized self-image, are all used to make his supporters feel more connected and relatable to him. Trump has constructed his party to be in total submission to him and to not question his authority or knowledge, despite encouraging that same distrust and criticism in his oppositions. Additionally, using his own platforms and social media to post mass amounts of unverified claims and be in direct communication with his followers, only strengthens this parasocial relationship they feel with him. This cult personality paired with his fascist rhetoric of marginalized groups: poisoning the national blood and being a threat to national identity, has radicalized some of his followers in a way that mimics the obsessive idolization of such Fascist leaders of the past that encourage young men to join the National Fascist or Nazi Party. In the following chapter, I will look at the actions of some of these radicalized followers as I analyze the myths and motivations of modern fascists.
2.2: Evolved Ideology - The Myths and Motivations of Modern Fascists.
The second transformation from traditional Fascism to the ideology we see today is the evolution and normalization of fascist ideology into the mainstream public spheres of the internet. With the rise in technology, fascism, like all other ideologies, has become something that anybody can participate in creating and defining. With every comment, repost, and manifesto uploaded online for the masses, one does not need a reputation or credibility to see the spotlight. Mussolini propagated the idea that the white race needed to reproduce to protect their survival as well as build his regime. Trump has frequently described the rise in immigration as an invasion to America and as poisoning the blood of the nation. Both are similar sentiments that arise from a concept called Great Replacement Theory (GRT). Attributed to French author Renaud Camus, GRT states that there is an international plot, led by the Jewish, to encourage liberal immigration policies in Western countries so that non-white immigrants can replace the political power and culture of white nationals. It has led to mass shootings, violent riots, and a lot of misinformation in a country that is already suffering at the hands of anti-intellectualists. The baseless slogan “You Will Not Replace Us,” began appearing across the country after the 2017 Charlotteville’s Unite the Right Riots in which white supremacists and neofascists took to the streets to protest the removal of a statute of the historical Confederate General Robert. E Lee. The riots ended with clashes between the white supremacist groups, anti-protestors, and law enforcement before a state of emergency was declared. One anti-protestor lost her life and 19 others were seriously injured when a white supremacist drove his car into the crowd. As the Anti-Defamation League describes the events, “Unite the Right was the largest and most violent public assembly of white supremacists in decades...Today, white supremacists have reimagined their messaging and tactics, but remain a critical threat, as clearly evidenced by attacks in El Paso, Poway and Buffalo.” The three different attacks that ADL mentions were various mass shootings, all during Trump’s presidency, in which far-right extremism and white supremacy were considered major factors in motivation. In all the mass shootings, GRT or an equivalent was mentioned by the shooter himself as a motive for the attacks. In the 2022 Buffalo mass shooting that killed 10, the 18-year-old shooter stated he was radicalized by 4Chan forums before he wrote his own white supremacist manifesto and livestreamed the attack for his fellow neofascists to watch. In the 2019 El Paso shooting that killed 23, the 21-year-old shooter posted his own GRT manifesto titled, “The Inconvenient Truth,” in which he blamed Latin Americans for attempting to replace white nationals in the US. This was certainly encouraged by Trump’s racist remarks on minority immigration groups, which further radicalized and legitimized this young man’s beliefs. As shown in the photo above, Trump went to a rally in El Paso in 2019 in which many of his supporters were holding “Finish the Wall” posters, it is certainly possible, and plausible that the shooter could have been at that rally, further radicalizing himself with the hateful, fear-based rhetoric against minorities that Trump spews. The last attack mention, the 2019 Poway shooting at a synagogue, the 22-year-old shooter also cited GRT as his motivation, stating on a 8chan page before the shooting, “They can’t fathom that there are brave White men alive who have the willpower and courage it takes to say, ‘Fuck my life—I’m willing to sacrifice everything for the benefit of my race” he continues to say “meme magic is real.” Another anonymous individual replies, telling him to “get the high score,” essentially, kill the most people.
8chan post from the Poway Synagogue Shooter.
These shootings are just three examples of the increased violence against minority groups seen from when Trump was president. This brings me back to that conversation with scholar Eliah Burles mentioned above, when he argued that Trump himself was not a fascist, but instead utilized fascists for his cause. Originally, I conceeded, but these shootings are just few of many examples where Trump’s extremist rhetoric assisted in the further radicalization of young men to the far-right, that led to the deaths of innocent civilians. It was not Hitler or Mussolini that pulled the trigger on their targets, but orchestrating a political climate for such hatred and violence to grow is just as fascist as those committing the heinous acts themselves. Fascism thrived on fear and exploiting grievances, which is exactly what Trump did in his 2016 campaign through his persecution of immigrants and minorities. Additionally, all three of the mass shooters were white national men, and young men in fact. Like the indoctrination of young men from Mussolini’s ONB into his National Fascist Party when they turned 18, the same underlying ideology and hateful sentiment is being spread to the masses on the internet in the age of Trump, as seen with the anonymous neofascist encouraging radicalized youth to “get the high count,” before shooting up a synagogue. This brings me to one of my final chapters, on American far-right actors and how they have further utilized these evolved fascist characteristics and ideologies to gain power.
2.3: Brief Summarization and Retheorization.
I must briefly summarize the analyses made thus far before furthering applying it to the context of the far right in the United States. If we recall the traditional understanding of Fascism as being the ideology formed by Mussolini, characterized as being totalitarian and ultra-nationalistic, using tactics such as indoctrination in education and the militarization of young men, then certainly there is no direct comparison in the modern age. However, if we look deeper, at the significance of such tactics, one will notice that Mussolini was using strategies of nation building and creating an idolized identity within his cult of personality to simultaneously create a submissive and tolerant following that would not dare question him. This is what we can see more clearly within the American far right today, which leads me to my actual retheorization of modern fascism.
Fascism is more than the standard political ideology one can prescribe to and act independently from. Instead, fascism today involves taking on a totalizing identity, it does not need a totalitarian regime to operate as it once did in the past because there are individuals and groups who can be easily incited by these idolized far-right leaders. These individuals and groups act as though they are under the influence of a totalitarian regime because their subconscious fears of GRT and over grievances with the economy have been exploited. Furthermore, since it relies on psychological phenomena like creating parasocial relationships with politicians and creating a cult following based on these idolized personalities, it is impossible to separate the ideology from the individual. Some individuals going as far as killing others and themselves for what they deem a nation-saving cause.
Chapter 3: How American Far-Right Actors Utilize Evolved Fascist Characteristics.
To further understand evolved fascism in modern America, it is also important to know the different actors on the far right that contribute to this phenomenon. Of course, as mentioned above, Trump is notoriously the most well-known far-right politician that has been
accused of fascism. In addition to him, Ron Desantis, the current Governer of Florida, has implemented different far-right policies and extremist laws that raise question. Both political actors contribute to what Mason described as democratic decay. This could lead to dangerous consequences. The main counterarguments that provide reason for how fascism could not occur in modern America will have trouble finding legitimacy if this process continues as checks and balances become insignificant. With democracy slowly being chipped away, we inch deeper into unveiling the current reality of subtle authoritarianism that is plaguing different US states. These states have immensely more power through the Constitution and protections for states' rights, which means depending on leaders, some states could be closer to Fascism than others.
3.1: Democratic Decay in Far-Right Politicians and Policies: Censorship in Desantis’ Florida Education System.
One striking fascist characteristic that both far right Trump and Desantis share is their radical anti-intellectualist platforms. However, they manifest in very different ways. While Trump uses social media to instigate fear in his supporters and denounce the experts who oppose him, Desantis, very similarly to Mussolini, seeks total control over the education sector. In policies that echo the authoritarianism of the past, DeSantis has contributed to the democratic decay that Mason argued above in the form of mass censorship and the criminalization of democratic practices. This is part of a larger movement against “wokeness” in the United States, spearheaded by DeSantis. “Wokeness,” as described by Desantis and other far-right actors (radical internet podcasters and political commentators) refers to the rise of civil and social rights activism, particularly coming from the more liberal younger generations. In his midterm election speech, Desantis claimed, “We fight the woke in the legislature. We fight the woke in the schools. We fight the woke in the corporations. We will never, ever surrender to the woke mob. Florida is where woke goes to die.” However, as Desantis claims he is fighting indoctrination within the education system, he is simultaneously implementing oppressive laws and policies of indoctrination himself. One infamous example is his “Don’t Say Gay,” law from 2022 when he barred K-12 teachers from discussing anything related to gender issues or sexual orientation in classrooms. However, the vagueness of the legislation encourages open interpretation that leaves many educators fearful to teach. Additionally, this means Floridian teachers, faculty and students are not free to represent themselves in state institutions. Rainbow flags, AIDs education, even the simple representation of a same sex couple is considered offensive. In one situation, a teacher was fired from her job and investigated after she showed a Disney movie, relevant to her teaching curriculum, that included a gay character, despite having signed permission slips from parents to show a PG film in their classroom. A parent and school board member reported the teacher for “stripping the innocence” of her 10 year old child.53
Govenor Ron DeSantis signing an expansion of the “Don’t Say Gay,” bill, behind him are children holding signs stating, “Protect Children, Support Parents.” (Photo: Douglas R Clifford/AP)
This idea that exposure to LGBTQ people and principles is somehow corrupting the youth is a tactic meant to demonize those in the community and make the general population more submissive of the views of the state and the unquestionable leader. It encourages mass tolerance of oppressive policies instead of allowing democratic values like peaceful protesting and political representation that America prides itself on. Desantis’ war on wokeness does not stop with his censorship of the LGBTQ community, he also has outlawed critical race theory teaching within all educational facilities, including universities, and workplaces in Florida. In his “Stop Woke” act, words like privilege, oppression, racism, and other concepts within critical race theory cannot be discussed in any state or private institution. He states that no individual should feel guilty or shame due to being born in a position of privilege and that equality is an oppressive concept, in a sentiment that permits white supremacy. This is part of a wider agenda in which he has already outlawed Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) training and education in Florida, three of the most vital components of any democratic government. This is clear censorship of those on the left, who under the Constitution, have the right to assemble, protest, and petition for change. Just like those teachers who were made to swear an oath to Mussolini to keep their jobs, teachers in Florida today are being threatened with the fear of losing their livelihoods and facing legal prosecution if they dare talk about these subjects. This is a good example of how despite claims that the federal government is too “large and unwieldly,” for fascism to occur on a massive scale, as Cowen argued above, the rights of states to exercise control over different sectors of society mean that certain states could be much closer to Fascism than it appears on the international level. If we look at fascism on this smaller scale, we are much closer to that totalizing ideology of the past. With the demonization of already marginalized communities and criminalization of democratic values, Florida is likely the closest state to practicing fascism in modern America. Coupled with a militarized Trump presidency in 2024, there truly is no telling how much more democracy could deteriorate in the state. Each policy of censorship that gets passed, every teacher or employer that gets arrested for promoting equality, is chipping away at our freedom of speech and representation. Make no mistake, these policies have only passed because of individuals like DeSantis and those on the far right who have taken on this fascist identity of the supreme white savior, fighting the propagated myth of LGBTQ and liberal indoctrination. The only element that is missing when compared to traditional Fascism is the utilization of a militarized group who uses violence to enforce these policies. However, in 2021, the United States got a small glimpse of the emergence of such group, a warning for what is to continue if we do not address this growing ideology with the gravity it requires.
3.2: Far-Right Civilian Groups and the 2021 Capitol Riots: An Attempt at Insurrection? Trump’s True Coup: The Supreme Court.
In addition to the mass shootings and hate crimes that arose during Trump’s presidency, fueled by online radicalization from both the President himself and anonymous neofascists online, there came the emergence of different far-right extremist groups in the United States,
such as the Proud Boys. Founded by a proclaimed transphobic, sexist, anti-Semite Gavin McInnes, Proud Boys is a self-identified white supremacist, conservative, political group that has gain notoriety after Trump lost the 2020 Presidential Election and began his “Stop the Steal,” campaign. However, Proud Boys was in operation years before this, having members actively participating in the 2017 Charlottesville’s riots, with the riot’s main organizer, Jason Kessler, being a long-term member of the Proud Boys and joining the group’s founder on “The Gavin McInnes Show,” where he encouraged members to join him in Charlottesville. The group is full of neo-fascists and far-right extremists who have not only been radicalized throughout Trump’s presidency, but even worse, supported by it. Trump has repeatedly refused to condemn their violent and hateful actions, while hypocritically persecuting the far-left Antifa group for lesser crimes. Instead, he has supported and incited them to commit more crimes in the name of his campaign.
Proud Boys member wearing an “Antifa Hunting Permit,” helmet at a (presumed) rally.
In one presidential debate, when questioned if Trump would condemn far-right extremist groups as he does with Antifa, he dodged the question and instead replied, “Proud Boys, stand back and stand-by." That’s exactly what they did, feeling a sense of parasocial connection to the president, Proud Boys waited for their call to arms, and overwhelmed with the feeling of acknowledgement from their idolized leader, made this slogan their new mantra. Founder Gavin McInnes and then-leader Enrique Torres had responded respectively, "I control the Proud Boys, Donald. Do not stand down, do not stand back," and "Standing by sir..." while flooding the groups Telegram text chat with clips from the debate and changing their logo to reflect this statement.
This highlights the extent of the parasocial relationship between Trump and the obsessive nature of his supporters. For months, the Proud Boys "stood by,” waiting for their opportunity to prove themselves worthy to Trump. That was until January 6th, 2021, when thousands of far right Trump supporters stormed the US Capitol building after Trump had claimed the 2020 election was stolen from him. It was the gravest attack on democracy in recent American history. Representatives and politicians were inside the building and forced to hide as armed individuals broke through windows, attacked the Capitol police, and forced their way inside the building making threats to the lives of different representatives, such as to Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi. Some of these Capitol police would later die from their sustained injuries, while as many as five would commit suicide in the following years. Not surprisingly, many of the individuals that participated that shameful day were Proud Boy members who would eventually face criminal charges of seditious conspiracy. Their prosecutor would argue that the Proud Boys “lined up behind Donald Trump and willing to commit violence on his behalf...these defendants saw themselves as Donald Trump’s army, fighting to keep their preferred leader in power no matter what the law or the courts had to say about it.” Despite such arguments, many of the individuals, including the former leader Torres, would be found guilty of multiple criminal charges and sentenced to jail time for their crimes on our nation and democracy. This has become the last missing piece of the Fascism puzzle in the United States today. The ability for one individual to mobilize thousands of angry, aggrieved supporters to commit crimes against the nation in his name is something America has never seen on this scale before and mimics the totalitarian regimes of the past. Additionally, Trump has promised that if re-elected in 2024 he would pardon the Proud Boys and other Capitol protestors who fought for him that day. Disregarding the rule of law and opting instead to support violent, criminal, far right extremists, if he were to become successful in pardoning them it would represent the last barrier to Fascism in the United States completely obliterated. There is good reason to believe he would be successful too. Trump being one of the only presidents in recent US history to nominate three Justices to the Supreme Court in one single term, he has seen nothing but unwavering support from his nominees, allowing all his policies to pass without fair deliberation and rule of law. This is what I would rather call Trump’s Coup, of course being metaphorical, instead of the far-right fascist groups who stormed the Capitol in his name, Trump has remained in power due to his connections and submission of Supreme Court Justices. The nomination of these justices was not appropriate either. The first of his nominees came after Obama had already nominated a democratic justice during his time in office. However, this nomination failed as it was stonewalled by Republicans in Congress, who then changed the law to allow Trump’s republican nomination of Neil Gorsuch to pass with less than 60 votes, something never allowed before. Trump’s second nomination, Brett Kavanaugh, passed with massive controversy as he was undergoing a sexual assault investigation, he was approved anyways. Finally, Trump’s last nomination, Amy Coney Barrett, was also an unlawful and historic one as “no justice had ever been confirmed after July in an election year. Yet, Republicans – who kept Merrick Garland (Obama’s nomination, as mentioned above) off the bench on the stated principle that the people should decide who fills the Court vacancy – rushed Barrett through an illegitimate and sham process even though millions of Americans had already voted” These three justices have directly overturned many democratic cases, including Roe v Wade and women’s rights to abortion and self-autonomy during Trump’s presidency, similarly to Mussolini’s attempts at nation building by restricting reproductive rights.
More frighteningly, the Supreme Court has recently taken on an unprecedented and nation-altering case. Just this week, April 22nd, 2024, the Supreme Court will decide whether Trump can be criminally prosecuted for his role in the January 6th riots that stunned the nation. Two other courts have already founded Trump guilty, but as he has appealed each decision, the Supreme Court has agreed to take it on themselves. This will have tremendous ramifications for the outcome of the 2024 presidential election and decide whether former presidents are given criminal immunity. Trump’s lawyers have argued that “former presidents are entitled to absolute immunity. They warn of a potential floodgate of prosecutions against former presidents if they’re not entitled to immunity and say the office cannot function if the commander-in-chief has to be worried about criminal charges.” If the Supreme Court votes to pardon Trump of these charges, it will mean that if re-elected, he knows he would be given immunity to commit whatever crimes he wishes and could radically change the laws that protect the United States from deteriorating into totalitarianism and fascism. Not only would Trump have incited an insurrection, as already found guilty from state courts, but he would get away with it with no repercussions and prove that the Supreme Court works for him rather than the people. Furthermore, as mentioned above, if re-elected, he has already promised to pardon the convicted criminals from January 6th, not only releasing them into the public to commit further crimes in his name, but also giving the green light to other extremists to do the same. Undoubtably, these pardoned individuals, who already felt compelled to attack the Capitol building once, would likely only feel more deeply connected and indebted to Trump. One could only predict the crimes they would be willing to commit for his agenda if they knew they would pardoned, it is not just an erosion of democracy, its directly permitting violence for utopian (unachievable) goals; a hallmark of Fascism.
Chapter 4 – Consequences and Conclusion: What can we Learn About Fascism From These Finding?
Lastly, it would be most appropriate to end this essay with the consequences of such analysis, it brings me to this question, what can we learn about fascism today with these findings? Firstly, individuals who know about Fascism should know that it is not the overuse of the word that makes it lose its meaning. On the contrary, it is all the times that it is not said when there were grounds to do so that makes fascism lose its significance, urgency, and gravity. It is when we say, “never again,” but then allow the policies and rhetoric that is fostering the political grounds for “again” to occur. We do not need to re-witness overt totalitarian Fascism again to recognize the similar steps of it forming. Otherwise, if one day in the future this phenomenon continues to escalate, we see total democratic decay and a plague of fear and hatred as we have seen before, then the victims of these early steps towards fascism will be forgotten. Those individuals in El Paso, Buffalo, Poway, the anti-protestors who were attacked at Charlottesville, the racial and immigrant minorities who have been systemically targeted, all these victims will not receive justice if we cannot acknowledge their experience as the result of a wider dangerous ideology that is currently spreading. An ideology incited by far-right politicians and acted upon by aggrieved and misinformed civilians, as we saw in Mussolini’s Italy or Hitler’s Germany. There is a need to recognize what is happening in the United States and wider Western society, as an evolution of Fascism. This evolution is very tactical, it acts as a chameleon, blending into any political context it can to gain power. It takes characteristics from the Fascism of the past, such as nationalism and strategic nation building, including the formation of an exclusive national identity used to dehumanize “outsiders,” and justify violence towards them. fascism today also mimics that of the past as it follows in the footsteps of Mussolini’s cult of personality. With Trump being the most infamous modern far-right leader, he uses tactics of anti-intellectualism to discredit any opposition and legitimize himself as being the easy, obvious solution to America’s problems. He got elected by preying on the subconscious fears of white nationals who believe in Great Replacement Theory, as well as aggrieved working class who is frustrated with the economy, in which he blames on immigrants/outsiders. Like Mussolini, Trump also created a cult of personality, but one that is based on online parasocial relationships with his supporters, as he uses his own social media to communicate directly to his supporters. All these methods are intentionally used to encourage total submission from his supporters and leave no space to question him. The fascism of today is not obvious as it once was, it is an identity that individuals take on, but not one that they put on their profile, unless of course the profile was anonymous. With the 2024 election around the corner, the United States could change massively within the next year. If Trump is elected, supported by the Supreme Court, it would represent the final blow to democracy and obliteration of the last barrier protecting us from fascism in America. All of this to say, fascism is preventable and reversable. The identity that aggrieved individuals take on is due to fear, yes, but the fear is coming from the harmful myths and motivations within the community. To combat fascism requires an intellectual and empathic response to modern issues that face the nation, not a quick easy solution, or an illiberal one that villainizes opposition. In America, that should be easy to restore. American values of liberation, freedoms, democracy, and unity have been instilled in us since we’re born. People are not born with hatred or fear, it is taught to them by individuals acting in hatred in fear. Therefore, fascism does have an antidote, its empathy, equality, and community: things that the far-right have not been prioritizing. Perhaps in 2024 Trump wins, perhaps it must get much worse before the veil is uncovered and we recover, but the warning signs are here, and there is still time to change the course of American history.
